The landmark judgment by a seven-judge bench of the Supreme Court in Abhiram Singh v. C.D. Commachan and Others case of 02nd January, 2017 prescribes Indian democracy a new path to develop its electoral processes, free from fundamentalist and divisive forces diluting the secular character of its polity. It was a judgment which was long overdue. Election to State legislature or to Parliament or for that matter to any other body in the State are a secular exercise just as functions of elected representatives must be secular.
"Electoral processes are doubtless secular activities of the State. Religion can have no place in such activities, for religion is a matter personal to the individual. The State is under an obligation to allow complete freedom for practicing, professing and propagating religious faith to which a citizen belongs in terms of Article. 25 of the Constitution: but the freedom so guaranteed has nothing to do with secular activities which the State undertakes. Therefore, an appeal in the name of religion, race, caste, community or language is impermissible under the Representation of People Act, 1951 and would constitute a corrupt practice sufficient to annul the election in which such an appeal was made regardless of whether the appeal was in the name of the election agent or that of the opponent or that of the voters", asserted the Court.
"So interpreted, religion, race, caste, community or language would not be allowed to play any role in the electoral process and should an appeal be made on any of these considerations, the same would constitute a corrupt practice in terms of Section. 123(3) of the R.P. Act, declared the majority judgment making the law loud and clear to all concerned. The majority opinion, arguing that election law is quasi-penal in nature, gave a narrow interpretation to the candidate or his agent or anyone authorised by them. This approach tends to defeat the very purpose of the legislation by allowing religious leaders and others so inclined to distort the secular character of elections by letting caste and religion to decide electoral outcomes.
Of course, law does not prevent political parties putting up candidates on religious and caste equations of particular constituencies which itself is bad for a secular democracy. To let them also exploit identity politics in electioneering as well amounts to providing political space to religious bodies in running State and Government affair, which is constitutionally impermissible.
The dissenting judges have argued that identity politics is a social reality since the beginning of the Republic and it did pay dividends in the fight against historic discrimination based on caste, religion and race. Does this justify letting elections being fought on caste and religious identities?
Among multiple identities Indian citizens have, right to profess, practice and propagate religion is, no doubt, a fundamental right and therefore its status and influence in society cannot be wished away. Politics as we understand cannot also be kept totally free from religion particularly in the context of cultural and educational rights of minorities. But let us remember that all rights are subject to reasonable restrictions which the State may impose in the interest of public order, morality and public health. Restrictions on the RPA are one such set. The final word on what is religion and what is not religion is still to be clarified by Parliament or the Constitutional Court. There is a section of people who still argue that 'Sati', 'Untouchability', 'Dowry' are all part of their religion and therefore beyond State regulation! Others believe that all rituals and practices which go in the name of 'personal laws' are part of religious freedom even if they violate the Right to Equality or Right to Dignity of other persons! They oppose State in enacting a Uniform Civil Code according to the mandate of the Constitution!
The minority opinion seems to give legitimacy and political space to these fissiparous tendencies to continue in the name of social relaity! Courts are obliged to give effect to the intention of the legislature, which is the will of the people in a democracy and not discard it under some spurious notions of social reality or social justice. There are enough channels provided by the Constitution and further enriched by legislative and executive action to ventilative grievances of the deprived and marginalised sections, sometimes through tools structured around the very identities which the election law seeks to separate from electoral processes for good reasons.
Yes, there are problems in implementing the law efficiently which is a structural and management problem which the Indian legal system suffers from. How does one prove 'consent' of the candidate or his agent when a third person uses religion or caste to seek votes or refrain from voting by electors? This is a matter of evidence which can be circumstantial, documentary or otherwise which courts appreciate to prove or disprove all disputed facts. As such, it cannot be a serious impediment in the enforcement of the law.
The vigilance of opposition candidates and their agents as well as the security of election officials and media can check the abuse of the system. The law, in any case, does not hope to eradicate the menace in the short run but regulate it within acceptable limits. Multiple identities have a role to play in the social fabric so long as they do not inhibit individual rights or challenge basic features of the Constitution. It is indeed sad that on a fundamental issue affecting the Indian Dream, the judges of the Apex Court are divided placing citizens in a dilemma. One would wish that all judges of the Supreme Court sit en bloc and give the nation their considered view one way or the other so that constitutional law will have greater certainty and clarity to provide good governance.
'This Changes Nothing': As the dust settles on what has been described as the landmark verdict of a Seven-Judge Bench of the Supreme Court on the use of religion in elections, one thing has become clear. It has changed virtually nothing. The legal terrain has been left more or less unruffled by the sweep of the apparently revolutionary judgment. It looks as if the decision was superfluous. What the verdict has essentially done is to analyse the problem 'his' and then expand its meaning. Earlier, before the 02nd January, 2017 verdict, the provision that says that the "appeal by a candidate or his agent or by any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent to vote or refrain from voting for any person on the ground of his religion, race, caste community or language" meant nothing but the religion/caste/race/community/language of the candidate or his rival.
If for instance, in an election meeting in a Catholic dominated area a Catholic candidate implores the people to vote for him as he is a Catholic, it is an appeal in the name of religion and forms a corrupt practice under Section. 123(3) of RPA, 1951. When the Catholic candidate appeals to his voters to refrain from voting for his rival Muslim candidate, then also it is a corrupt practice. Post-verdict, I don't see much of a difference. Now, appeal to the religion of voters too, comes within the definition of corrupt practice. It is a needless expansion. Will a Catholic go to a Muslim area and appeal to them in the name of Quran to vote a Catholic in? It does not make any sense.
Election law is candidate-centric. The idea is not to punish voters. It is to bring to book the offending candidates. If people vote for a candidate influenced by his appeal to them on the basis of religion, it is the candidate who is culpable and not the voter who has fallen for the candidate's guiles. Given the candidate-centric nature of the law, the expansion of the pronoun 'his' is unnecessary. It is the appeal in the name of religion or caste or community that the law is sensitive to, not to the statement of facts. If a candidate, backed by irrefutable facts, declaims that scheduled tribes and castes are discriminated against and promises that his party would remedy things if voted to power, it cannot be construed an offence under Section. 123(3) of RPA. Discrimination is both an historical and abiding truth. Speaking about it, and inspiring a social mobilisation of sorts, is not an appeal in the name of caste or community. This was the case before the verdict, and will continue to be so hereafter. It is actually the blatant appeal to vote in the name of religion/caste/community/race/language which attracts the penal provision under Section. 123(3) of RPA.
The only change would be in the volume of litigation. The verdict could possibly lead to a spate of litigations in future because the Court has not explained the implication of the words "on the ground of his religion/caste/race/community/language".
'HIS' Problem: The word 'his' has been the crux of the judgment. It arose from differing interpretations given to corrupt practices in elections as defined in the amended Section. 123(3) of the RPA, 1951. The Section provides a check on appeals to religion, race, caste, community or language made in furtherance of any candidate by declaring it a corrupt practice and rendering the election of the said candidate void. Tracing the legislative history of the Section, the social context of the amendment and analysing the intention of the legislature in terms of the text, the Supreme Court now dismissed the narrow interpretation of the pronoun 'his', as against public interest, legislative intent and constitutional values.
The Court concluded that the term 'his religion' appearing in the amended provision cannot be taken to mean to appeals in the name of religion of the candidate or his agent alone. The amendment, according to the Supreme Court, does not permit an appeal in the name of religion, race, caste, community or language, no matter whose religion, race, community or language was invoked. It can conclude that of the voter as well.
Article. 14 of the Constitution of India: Equality before law:
The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India; Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.
Section. 123 of the Representation of People Act, 1951:
(3A). The promotion of, or attempt to promote, feelings of enmity or hatred between different classes of the citizens of India on grounds of religion, race, caste, community or language, by a candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent or any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate.
(3B). The propagation of the practice or the commission of Sati or its glorification by a candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of the candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate.
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Yes, there are problems in implementing the law efficiently which is a structural and management problem which the Indian legal system suffers from. How does one prove 'consent' of the candidate or his agent when a third person uses religion or caste to seek votes or refrain from voting by electors? This is a matter of evidence which can be circumstantial, documentary or otherwise which courts appreciate to prove or disprove all disputed facts. As such, it cannot be a serious impediment in the enforcement of the law.
The vigilance of opposition candidates and their agents as well as the security of election officials and media can check the abuse of the system. The law, in any case, does not hope to eradicate the menace in the short run but regulate it within acceptable limits. Multiple identities have a role to play in the social fabric so long as they do not inhibit individual rights or challenge basic features of the Constitution. It is indeed sad that on a fundamental issue affecting the Indian Dream, the judges of the Apex Court are divided placing citizens in a dilemma. One would wish that all judges of the Supreme Court sit en bloc and give the nation their considered view one way or the other so that constitutional law will have greater certainty and clarity to provide good governance.
'This Changes Nothing': As the dust settles on what has been described as the landmark verdict of a Seven-Judge Bench of the Supreme Court on the use of religion in elections, one thing has become clear. It has changed virtually nothing. The legal terrain has been left more or less unruffled by the sweep of the apparently revolutionary judgment. It looks as if the decision was superfluous. What the verdict has essentially done is to analyse the problem 'his' and then expand its meaning. Earlier, before the 02nd January, 2017 verdict, the provision that says that the "appeal by a candidate or his agent or by any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent to vote or refrain from voting for any person on the ground of his religion, race, caste community or language" meant nothing but the religion/caste/race/community/language of the candidate or his rival.
If for instance, in an election meeting in a Catholic dominated area a Catholic candidate implores the people to vote for him as he is a Catholic, it is an appeal in the name of religion and forms a corrupt practice under Section. 123(3) of RPA, 1951. When the Catholic candidate appeals to his voters to refrain from voting for his rival Muslim candidate, then also it is a corrupt practice. Post-verdict, I don't see much of a difference. Now, appeal to the religion of voters too, comes within the definition of corrupt practice. It is a needless expansion. Will a Catholic go to a Muslim area and appeal to them in the name of Quran to vote a Catholic in? It does not make any sense.
Election law is candidate-centric. The idea is not to punish voters. It is to bring to book the offending candidates. If people vote for a candidate influenced by his appeal to them on the basis of religion, it is the candidate who is culpable and not the voter who has fallen for the candidate's guiles. Given the candidate-centric nature of the law, the expansion of the pronoun 'his' is unnecessary. It is the appeal in the name of religion or caste or community that the law is sensitive to, not to the statement of facts. If a candidate, backed by irrefutable facts, declaims that scheduled tribes and castes are discriminated against and promises that his party would remedy things if voted to power, it cannot be construed an offence under Section. 123(3) of RPA. Discrimination is both an historical and abiding truth. Speaking about it, and inspiring a social mobilisation of sorts, is not an appeal in the name of caste or community. This was the case before the verdict, and will continue to be so hereafter. It is actually the blatant appeal to vote in the name of religion/caste/community/race/language which attracts the penal provision under Section. 123(3) of RPA.
The only change would be in the volume of litigation. The verdict could possibly lead to a spate of litigations in future because the Court has not explained the implication of the words "on the ground of his religion/caste/race/community/language".
'HIS' Problem: The word 'his' has been the crux of the judgment. It arose from differing interpretations given to corrupt practices in elections as defined in the amended Section. 123(3) of the RPA, 1951. The Section provides a check on appeals to religion, race, caste, community or language made in furtherance of any candidate by declaring it a corrupt practice and rendering the election of the said candidate void. Tracing the legislative history of the Section, the social context of the amendment and analysing the intention of the legislature in terms of the text, the Supreme Court now dismissed the narrow interpretation of the pronoun 'his', as against public interest, legislative intent and constitutional values.
The Court concluded that the term 'his religion' appearing in the amended provision cannot be taken to mean to appeals in the name of religion of the candidate or his agent alone. The amendment, according to the Supreme Court, does not permit an appeal in the name of religion, race, caste, community or language, no matter whose religion, race, community or language was invoked. It can conclude that of the voter as well.
Article. 14 of the Constitution of India: Equality before law:
The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India; Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.
Section. 123 of the Representation of People Act, 1951:
(3A). The promotion of, or attempt to promote, feelings of enmity or hatred between different classes of the citizens of India on grounds of religion, race, caste, community or language, by a candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent or any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate.
(3B). The propagation of the practice or the commission of Sati or its glorification by a candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of the candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate.
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